Women in Transition From Post Feminism to Past Femininity

 "[In]... the brothels off Wenceslas Square, in central Prague, [where] 

sexual intercourse can be bought for USD 25 - about half the price charged 

at a German brothel... 

Slav women have supplanted Filipinos and Thais as the most common foreign 
offering in [Europe]." 
(The Economist, August 2000, p.18) 
"I'm also wary of the revolutionary ambition of some feminist texts, 
with their ideas about changing present conditions, having seen enough 
attempted utopia's for one lifetime" 
(Petr Príhoda, The New Presence, 2000, p. 35). 
"As probably every country has its Amazons, if we go far back in Czech 
mythology, to a collection of Old Czech Legends, we come across a very 
interesting legend about the Dévín castle 
(which literally means 'The Girls' Castle'). 
It describes a bloody story about a rebellion of women, who started a vengeful 
war against men. As the story goes, they were not only capable warriors, they 
had no mercy and would not hesitate to kill their fathers and brothers. Under 
the leadership of mighty Vlasta, the "girls" lived in their castle, 
"Dévín", where they underwent a severe military training. They led 
the war very successfully, and one day Vlasta came up with an shrewd plan, 

how to take hostage a famous nobleman, Ctirad. She chose the lovely Sárka from 
the body (sic!) of her troops and had her tied up to a tree by a road with a
 horn and a jar of a mead out of her reach, but in her sight. In this state, 
Sárka was waiting for Ctirad to find her. When he actually really appeared and 
saw her, she told him a sad story of how the women from Dévín punished her for 
not following their ideology by tying her to the tree, mockingly putting a jar 
and a horn (so that she would be always reminded that she is thirsty and helpless) 
near by. Ctirad, enchanted by the beautiful woman, believed the lure and untied 
her, and when she handed him the mead, he willingly drunk it. When he was drunk 
already, she let him blow the horn, which was a signal for the Dévín warriors to 
capture him. He was then tortured in many horrible ways, at the end of which, 
his body was woven into a wooden wheel and displayed. This event mobilized the 
army, which soon afterwards destroyed Dévín. (Very significantly, this legend is 
the only account of radical feminism in Czech Lands.)" ("The Vissicitudes 
of Czech Feminism" by Petra Hanáková)
 
"We myself...and many others are not in search of global sisterhood at all, 
and it is only when we give up expecting it that we can get anywhere. It is each 
other's very 'otherness ' that motivates us, and the things we find in common take 
on greater meaning within the context of otherness. There is so much to learn by 
comparing the ways in which we are different, and which the same elements of women's 
experience are global, and which aren't, and wondering why, and what it means" 
(Jirina Siklová)
 
"It is difficult to carry three watermelons under one arm." (Proverb 
attributed to Bulgarian women)
 
"The high level of unemployment among women, segregation in the labour market, 
the increasing salary gap between women and men, the lack of women present at the 
decision making level, increasing violence against women, the high levels of maternal 
and infant mortality, the total absence of a contraceptive industry in Russia, the 
insufficiency of child welfare benefits, the lack of adequate resources to fund 
current state programs - this is only part of the long list of women's rights 
violations." (Elena Kotchkina, Moscow Centre for Gender Studies, "Report 
on the Legal Status of Women in Russia") 
Communism was men's nightmare and women's dream, or so the left wing version goes. 
In reality it was a gender-neutral hell. Women under communism were, indeed, 
encouraged to participate in the labour force. An array of conveniences facilitated 
their participation: day care centres, kindergarten, daylong schools, abortion clinics. 
They had their quota in parliament. They climbed to the top of some professions 
(though there was a list of women-free occupations, more than 90 is Poland). But this - 
as most other things in communism - was a mere simulacrum.
 
Reality was much drearier. Women, however mettlesome, groaned under the "triple 
burden" - work, marital expectations cum childrearing chores and party activism. 
They succumbed to the lure and demands of the (stressful and boastful) image of the 
communist "super-woman". This martyrdom - now threatened by the dual 

Western imports, capitalism and feminism - served as a fountain of self-esteem and 

a source of self-worth in otherwise gloomy circumstances.
 
Yet, the communist inspired workplace revolution was not complemented by a domestic one. 
Women's traditional roles - so succinctly summarized by Bismarck with Prussian geniality 
as "kitchen, children, church" - survived the modernizing onslaught of scientific 
Marxism. It is true that power shifted within the family unit ("The woman is the neck 
that moves the head, her husband"). But the "underslippers" (as Czech men 
disparagingly self-labeled) still had the upper hand. In short, women were now subjected 
to onerous double patriarchy, both private and public (the latter propagated by the party 
and the state). It is not that they did not value the independence, status, social interaction 
and support networks that their jobs afforded them. But they resented the lack of choice 
(employment was obligatory) and the parasitic rule of their often useless husbands. Many
of them were an integral and important part of national and social movements throughout 
the region. Yet, with victory secured and goals achieved, they were invariably shunned 
and marginalized. As a result, they felt exploited and abused. Small wonder women voted 
overwhelmingly for right wing parties post communism.
 
Yet, even after the demise of communism, Western feminism failed to take root in Central 
and Eastern Europe (CEE). The East Coast Amazons from America and their British counterparts 
were too ideological, too Marxist, too radical and too men-hating and family-disparaging 
to engender much following in the just-liberated victims of leftist ideologies. Hectoring, 
overly-politicized women were a staple of communism - and so was women's liberation. Women 
in CEE vowed: "never again".
 
Moreover, the evaporation of the iron curtain lifted the triple burden as well. Women finally 
had a choice whether to develop a career and how to balance it with family life. Granted, 
economic hardship made this choice highly theoretical. Once again, women had to work to make 
ends meet. But the stifling ethos was gone.
 
Communism left behind it a legal infrastructure incompatible with a modern market economy. 
Maternal leave was anywhere between 18 and 36 (!) months, for instance. But there were no 
laws to tackle domestic or spousal violence, women trafficking, organized crime prostitution 
rings, discrimination, inequality, marital rape, date rape and a host of other issues. There
 were no women's media of any kind (TV or print). No university offered a gender studies 
program or had a women's studies department. Communism was interested in women (and humans) 
as means of production. It ignored all other dimensions of their existence. In sputnik-era 
Russia, there were no factories for tampons or sanitary bandages, for example. Communism 
believed that the restructuring of class relations will resolve all other social inequities. 
Feminism properly belonged to the spoiled, brooding women of the West - not to the bluestockings 
of communism. Ignoring problems was communism's way of solving them. Thus, there was no 
official unemployment in the lands of socialism - or drugs, or AIDS, or unhappy women. To 
borrow from psychodynamic theories, Communism never developed "problem constancy".
 
To many, women included, communism was about the perversion of the "natural order". 
Men and women were catapulted out of their pre-ordained social orbits into an experiment in 
dystopy. When it ended, post communism became a throwback to the 19th century: its values, 
mores and petite bourgeois aspirations. In the exegesis of transition, communism was 
interpreted as an aberration, an interruption in an otherwise linear progress. It was 
cast as a regrettable historical accident or, worse, a criminal endeavour to be vehemently 
disowned and reversed.
 
Yet again women proved to be the prime victims of historical processes, this time of transition.
They saw their jobs consumed by male-dominated privatization and male-biased technological 
modernization. Men in the CEE are 3 times more likely to find a job, 60-80% of all women's 
jobs were lost (for instance in the textile and clothing industries) and the highest rates 
of unemployment are among middle aged and older women ("unemployment with a female 
face" as it is called in Ukraine). Women constitute 50-70% of the unemployed. And 
women's unemployment is probably under-reported. Most unrecorded workers (omitted from 
the official statistics) are women. Where retraining is available (a rarity), women are 
trained to do computer jobs, mostly clerical and low skilled. Men, on the other hand, are 
assigned to assimilate new and promising technologies. In many countries, women are asked 
to waive their rights under the law, or even to produce proof of sterilization before they
 get a job. The only ray of light is higher education, where women's participation actually 
increased in certain countries. But this blessing is confined to "feminine" 
(low pay and low status) professions. Vocational
and technical schools have either closed down entirely or closed their gates to women. 
Even in feminized professions (such as university teaching), women make less than 20% of 
the upper rungs (e.g., full professorships). The tidal wave of the rising cost of education 
threatens to drown this trend of women's education. Studies have shown that, with rising costs, 
women's educational opportunities decline. Families prefer to invest - and rationally so - 
in their males. 
Women witnessed the resurgence of nostalgic nationalism, neo traditionalism and religious 
revival - social forces which sought to confine them to home, hearth, spouse and children 
and to "liberate" them from the "forced labour" of communism. Negative 
demographic trends (declining life expectancy and birth rate, numerous abortions, late marriage,
 a high divorce rate, increasing suicide rate) conspired to provoke a "we are a dying 
nation" outcry and the inevitable re-emphasis of the woman's reproductive functions. 
Fierce debates about the morality of abortion erupted in bastions of Catholic fundamentalism 
(such as Poland and, to a lesser degree, Lithuania) as well as in citadels of rational 
agnosticism, such as the Czech Republic. Curiously, prostitution and women trafficking 
were accepted as inevitable. Perhaps because they catered to masculine needs.
 
Indeed, in feminist lore and theory, both nationalism and capitalism are "patriarchal". 
Nationalism allocates distinct and mutually exclusive roles to men and women. The latter are 
supposed to act as homemakers and have babies. Capitalism encourages the formation of 
impregnable male elites,

 disseminates new technologies mainly to male monopolies, eliminates menial and low skilled 
(women's) jobs and puts emphasis on masculine traits such as aggression and competitiveness. 
No wonder female political representation in parliaments and governments diminished dramatically 
since 1989. When powerless, under communism, CEE parliaments were stacked with women. Now that 
they are more potent elected bodies, they are almost nowhere to be seen. The few that infiltrated 
these august institutions are relegated to "soft&quot

; committees (social issues, usually) devoid of budgets and of influence. It is very much like 
under communism when the decision making party echelons were predominantly male. The only 
influential women then were dissidents but they seem to have rejected the fruit of their 
labour, democracy, in favour of tranquility and peace of mind - or to have been usurped by 
an emerging male establishment. Despite an education in economics, they are under-represented 
among business executives, the owners of privatized enterprises and the beneficiaries of 
favourable pay regulations and tax systems.
 
This erosion of their economic base coupled with the drastic decreases in child benefits, 
in the length of maternal leave, in the number of public and, thus, affordable child care 
facilities and in other support networks led to a swift deterioration in the social status 
and leverage of women. With their only effective contraceptive - abortion - restricted, 
maternal mortality exploded. So did teenage pregnancy - a result of the curtailing or 
absence of sex education. The rate of sexually transmitted diseases went through the roof. 
Violence against women - rape, spousal abuse, date rape - became epidemic. So did skyrocketing 
street prostitution. Widowed women - an ever more common phenomenon in CEE - are destitute and 
reduced to begging as the pensions of the lucky ones are ground to nil by a rising cost of 
living and IMF prodded stinginess. There are also more quotidian problems (often neglected 
by the media hungry and soundbite craving feminists) like pitiful divorce maintenance payments 
or decrepit maternity wards in crumbling hospitals.
 
Yet, women's reaction to all this was notable in its absence. After decades of forced activism 
and imposed altruism, the imported Western individualism mutated in CEE to malignant egotism. 
A sliver of the female population did well in local government and as entrepreneurs. The rest 
(especially the old, the rural, the less educated) stayed at home and seemed to fancy this 
novel experience of dependence. A generational divide emerged. Younger women discovered the 
joys of conspicuous consumption and mind numbing pop "culture". They constituted 
the masses of career opportunists, the new managerial class, shareholders and professionals - 
a pale imitation of the yuppies of America. Older women retreated - heaving a sigh of relief - 
into home and family, seeking refuge from the intrusion of tedious public matters. Economic 
realities still forced them to seek a job and steady income (often in a family business or in 
the informal economy, with no job security or regulated labour conditions) but their activism 
vanished into newfound and demonstrative reclusiveness.
 
Yet, even the young entrepreneurs often fare badly. They lack the necessary business skills, 
the knowledge, the supportive infrastructure, or the access to credit. The older women cannot 
work long hours, lack skills and, when officially employed, are expensive, due to the burden 
of the still effective social benefits. Thus, women can be mostly found in services, light 
industry and agriculture - the most non lucrative sectors of the dilapidated economies of CEE. 
And speaking of the social benefits not yet axed - their quality has deteriorated, access to 
them has been restricted and supplies are often short. The costs of public goods (mainly health 
and education) have been transferred from state to households either officially (a result of the 
commercialization of services) or surreptitiously and insidiously (e.g., patients required to 
purchase their own food, bed sheets and medication when hospitalized).
 
To blame it all on a botched transition is now in vogue. Yet, many of the problems facing the 
wretched women of CEE were evident as early as 30 years ago. The feminization of poverty is not 
a new phenomenon, nor is the feminization of certain professions and the attendant decline in
 both their status and their pay. Under communism, women felt as exhausted and as guilt-ridden 
as they feel today. They were considered unreliable workers (which they were, what with a lifetime 
average of 10 abortions and 2 children). Their offspring endured an alienated childhood in the brutal 
and faceless gulag of day care centres maintained by indifferent bureaucrats. Juvenile delinquency, 
a high divorce rate, single motherhood and parasitic fathers were all swept under the ideological 
carpet by communism. Even communism's only achievement - the inclusionary workforce - was an elaborately 
crafted illusion for consumption by wide-eyed Western intellectuals. In the agrarian societies which 
preceded communism, women worked no less. And women were not allowed to work night time or shifts or 
in certain jobs, nor were they paid as much as men in equal functions. Job advertising is sex-specific 
and sexist to this very day (in stark violation of dead letter Constitutions). 
Discarding the baby with the leaking bathtub has been a hallmark of transition. Communism has done a 
lot for women (one of its very rare achievements). Some of these foundations were sound and durable 
and should have been preserved to build upon. Yet the apathy of women and the zeal of power hungry men 
converged to yield an old new world: patriarchal, discriminatory and iniquitous. The day of CEE feminism 
will come. But first, CEE has to become more Westernized. 
ZZZZZZ